Tuesday, September 27, 2016



TEAM UZUNOV EXCLUSIVE - EU’s Dr Nathalie Tocci on Macedonia

by Sasha Uzunov - dateline: Melbourne, Australia, 26 September 2016.

The European Union’s top security advisor has blamed the EU’s membership process over Macedonia and Turkey’s inability to join the EU, is disappointed that both countries have not headed in the direction she would have liked and Macedonia may have to wait another decade, regardless of EU member state Greece’s opposition, before the EU begins accepting new members but she has affirmed her support for Macedonia’s right to its national identity, independence and territorial integrity.

Dr Nathalie Tocci, who was a guest speaker at the Australian Institute of International Affairs in Melbourne tonight, is the Special Adviser to the European Union’s High Representative, Federica Mogherini. Dr Tocci was discussing the EU’s new blueprint on security, which she drafted.

The document is titled “Shared Vision, Common Action: a stronger Europe - Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy,” and was released in June 2016.

After her talk, she took questions from the floor.

Dr Tocci was responding to a TEAM UZUNOV question:

“The Republic of Macedonia is in a deep and prolonged political crisis due to claims over a government corruption and wire-tapping scandal.

“To add to this dangerous situation, there is Greece’s deliberate blocking of Macedonia’s name, increasing Bulgarian meddling; rising Albanian separatist sentiment and a leading Macedonian journalist who claims EU support, Mr Borjan Jovanovski, has gone to the extreme of wanting to return Macedonia to de-facto Serbian-Yugoslavist rule - such a crazy move would lead to certain civil war in Macedonia and spread across the Balkans. (link)

“Dr Tocci, do you support Macedonia’s right to its national identity, independence and territorial integrity?”

DR TOCCI: “the short answer is obviously yes…the slightly longer answer is what can we do about it?

“Obviously Macedonia is not heading in a great direction. I relate this back to the answer on Turkey. The only way in which you can have influence in these countries if it has a credible process.

"In the case of these countries we are talking about an accession process. If for years the accession process with a country like Macedonia is blocked because of a name issue what does that do to our credibility?

"Now of course it’s easier and you know I speak half with my hat as a scholar and half with hat as an advisor, so I realise all the complexities behind that name blocking there is a long history between Greece and Macedonia.

"But still there is, and I think this is a point…we have a responsibility in our internal debates to member states - is it in our interest or not to see Macedonia moving in a particular direction - what instruments or leverage do we have - if the answer to that question is - ‘it’s the accession process, stupid’ - we got to make it credible.

"So it’s a long and painful process. The other side to this is also broader… enlargement was a huge success for central and eastern Europe but people are now beginning to have doubts after the migration crisis- but that’s a different story.

"…It’s quite clear we are not heading to new enlargements anytime soon. So there is a real challenge how do you maintain the flame alive in what will probably be the best part of a decade in which we have to reorganise ourselves internally and then weather the storm and then look out again and eventually take in new members.”

Other story:



Monday, August 15, 2016


by Sasha Uzunov
The United States’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has turned down a TEAM UZUNOV request under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to release any files or materials on a leading Macedonian “Yugoslavist” believed to have worked under cover in the West as an intelligence operative for Communist Yugoslavia’s spy service known as UDBa or SDB during the 1970s and 1980s.

The CIA’s response was puzzling: It can neither confirm nor deny the existence nor the non-existence of a file on the leading Macedonian “Yugoslavist.”
However, the CIA has rejected the request for the ‘existent’ or ‘non-existent’ file because it is still classified and is being used by another federal agency.
That’s odd but very interesting. In other words, reading between the lines and navigating through the deliberate obfuscation, there is a file on this person and they are still “in play” or possibly active on behalf on Serbia, which inherited the federal spy service apparatus after Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia all declared their independence from Yugoslavia in 1991.

For legal reasons TEAM UZUNOV cannot name the individual until the CIA file is released.
TEAM UZUNOV has spent decades searching through the archives of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) and has uncovered a gold mine of information relating to UDBa. 


TABOO - Yugoslavism? Serbian cultural hegemony in Macedonia?
Yugoslavism, Serbian cultural hegemony and collaborating with the then Yugoslav secret police remains a very touchy subject in Macedonia. Trying to discussing it is almost impossible as both political sides in Macedonia’s political divide that is from the ethnic Macedonia side- VMRO-DPMNE and SDSM parties, even today to vary degrees indulge in Serbian cultural hegemony.
So you get a pro VMRO-DPMNE media mouthpiece and tv show talk show host Milenko Nedelkovski who attends Serbian nationalist conferences in Belgrade in which Republika Srpska in Bosnia is defended, even though Republika Srpska has nothing to do with Macedonian patriotism whilst Nedelkovski’s arch-nemesis Borjan Jovanovski who opposes Nikola Gruevski has called for Macedonia to in effect give up its independence and return to de facto Serbian / Belgradist federal rule. see link here
LUSTRATION - not illuminating ! 
A Lustration commission set up by then Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski (2006-16) began looking at informers from communist times (1944-91) but the process soon became mirred in controversy with claims that some of the documents released were fabricated and that certain individuals close to the Gruevski government were not vetted. see link here 
A TEAM UZUNOV investigation has revealed that Macedonia’s Ambassador to NATO from 2010-14 and hand picked by PM Gruevski for the job, Mr Martin Trenevski had, according to the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), been an operative for UDBa under journalistic cover in Australia from 1986-89. see link here and here.  

Another individual within Gruevski’s inner circle, Ivan “Vane” Petreski (nickname Joe), the leader of the Matica or Institute for Macedonian Emigres, was, according to ASIO documents, deported from Australia in 1981 after “overstaying his visa.” He had been arrested for assaulting two Australian Macedonians in Melbourne and also threatening to assassinate one of them. A Victoria State Police report within the ASIO files stated that Petreski was a suspected YIS (Yugoslav Intelligence Service) operative. TEAM UZUNOV broke this story last year on Facebook - see the link here 
And only recently a Macedonian news website which is pro SDSM picked up the story…link here 

Saturday, July 23, 2016

THE DAY OF THE JUGOSLAVIST - 1969 Yugoslav assassination in Australia

Life imitates art 
The day of the Jackal - The day of the Jugoslavist!
TEAM UZUNOV exclusive - we uncover a Yugoslav Intelligence (UDBa) assassination made to look like a  lovers quarrel in Melbourne, Australia, March 1969.

We discover Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) documents which reveal a story within a story, a film noir that Quentin Tarantino would be proud of. In fact, a pot-boiler that has British author Freddie Forsyth written all over it…In his action thriller novel, The Day of the Jackal (1971)--a work of fiction woven around real life events, the assassination attempt on French President General Charles De Gaulle in 1963--the assassin deliberately picks up a man in a Paris gay bar, kills him and hides out in his flat (apartment), knowing the authorities would not look for him there. see link.

Njegoslav “Yago” Despot - art imitates life ?!
Two years before the Forsyth book came out, in 1969 - the mysterious murder of Melbourne private detective and lawyer Njegoslav “Yago Despot, 44 ! 
Despot, a gay Croat and his partner, Charles Hughes, 39, were found murdered, professional execution style, with both victims killed by a single bullet to the head. At the time the Victorian State Police had publicly ruled out a political motive, but the 1972 declassified intelligence reports by ASIO explored the Yugoslav intelligence connection.  

In early March 1969 Hughes’s pet dog, a collie, was noticed whimpering and acting in a distressed manner at the South Caulfiend home, in Melbourne’s east, shared by both men. A concerned neighbour raised the alarm with police.
Post mortem revealed they had been shot with a .22 calibre pistol or rifle fitted with a silencer.
One of the victims was found naked head down in an empty bathtub, the other in the lounge room. This suggests the killer or killers may have been known to the two victims.
ASIO managed to connect the dots and discovered that Despot had been pressured to spy for Yugoslav intelligence, which he declined and informed ASIO about it. He had earlier shared a house in St Kilda, Melbourne inner beach suburb with a mysterious stranger called Borivoj Viskovic, identified as an UDBa officer. 
Did UDBa murder both men because Despot refused to act as an informer? Was it a homophobic killing ? Homosexuality was outlawed in Tito’s Yugoslavia in 1959 and only decriminalised after the collapse of Yugoslavia. In Serbia it was 1994 and Macedonia in 1997. The motivation will probably remain unknown. The murder is still officially unsolved.

What we do know is Despot came from a large Roman Catholic Croat family and emigrated in Australia in 1959 at the same time as the Yugoslav communist authorities outlawed homosexuality. He was active in a migrant organisation in Melbourne called the Yugoslav Settlers Association, a front used by Yugoslav intelligence (UDBa) to monitor Croat, Serb, Macedonian emigres in Australia.

Just before his death, Despot was visiting a relative in his native Dalmatian coastal town of Zaostrog in Croatia, then under Yugoslav rule, but cut short his holiday to return to Australia. He had been pressured by the Yugoslav authorities to become an informer, which he refused. He may have been blackmailed over his private life, which Viskovic, having lived with him in the early mid 1960s, may have discovered details of.

By the sounds of it, Despot feared for his life. And having had an earlier friendship with a suspected UDBa officer, Viskovic, had to be silenced before he was able to reveal more. This remains speculation but the ASIO report (see below) from 1972 has outlined a strong circumstantial case, three years after the double murder.

UDBa, which was modelled upon Soviet intelligence, was known for using dirty tricks. One standard procedure pioneered by Soviet intelligence, once known as the KGB, was to take compromising photos of a target. In the 1950s, a clerk in the British Embassy in Moscow, John Vassall, a gay man, was plied with alcohol and then photographed in compromising situations with other men. He was blackmailed into spying for the Soviet Union. His cover was blown in 1961 after a Soviet defector revealed his identity. Vassall was convicted of espionage and spent 10 years in a British jail.
UDBa conducted a bloody campaign of murdering emigre dissidents, mainly Croat nationalists and separatists based in Western Europe. However, a number of Serb and Albanian nationalists were assassinated abroad.

Yugoslavia was a multi-ethnic communist federation made up of Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins plus sizeable populations of ethnic Hungarians and Albanians. It fell apart in 991 because of Serbian nationalism. 
From 1944 to 1980, it was ruled by Marshal Josip Broz Tito, a former Stalinist who broke with Moscow in 1948.

Yago Despot had no history of any kind of Croat nationalist activity but had been a popular figure in Melbourne community amongst the Croats, Serbs, Macedonians who had emigrated from Yugoslavia to Australia. 


Victoria Police Homicide Squad confirmed the double homicide is still a 47 year old cold case…
A Victoria Police spokesman released this statement to TEAM UZUNOV:
“The case is unsolved and is considered a “cold case’, although not currently active, which means that the case file is in storage, pending the receipt of any new information.

The grave of Charles Alfred Hughes, buried along with his mother - his 1969 murder remains unsolved by VICTORIA Police. It is strongly suspected he was an innocent victim of the Yugoslav secret police (UDBa) in its war against emigre opponents of the regime living in Australia TEAM UZUNOV tracks down his last resting place…in Melbourne’s Springvale Botanical Cemetery, state of Victoria, Australia…(photos by Sasha Uzunov). We gave the grave a clean up.


Homicide Squad - Victoria Police - spokesman releases statement over 1969 Yago Despot Cold Case murder:

"I have made enquiries with homicide and they won’t release the coroner’s report (because it is still an open investigation and has information in it that we would not want made public) Things like the exact calibre of the firearm used is an example, if we put it out publicly then we lose the ability to check informants/witness stories for genuine accuracy. ie. if someone knows something that has never been publicly released we know that the information is more credible.

"But to help you out I am authorised tell you that both men were killed at close range by a small calibre firearm. I have also been authorised to give you this extract from the Coroners Summary if it helps."


Friday, July 15, 2016


MACEDONIA - BACK TO THE FEDERATION? - United States supports Macedonia’s independence. by Sasha Uzunov.

During the unfolding crisis in Macedonia, as the tiny Balkan state tries to navigate the stormy political waters, some of Macedonia’s ruling classes have gone to the extreme of wanting to return to the “certainty" of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, then a unit within federal Yugoslavia (1944-91), which if it were to be seriously implemented today would lead to de facto Serb federal control and certain civil war in Macedonia.

US EMBASSY BACKS MACEDONIA’S SOVEREIGNTY - doesn’t support call for Macedonia to return to defacto Serbian federal rule.

Mr Joseph Mellott a spokesman for the US Ambassador in Macedonia, Mr Jess Baily, gave the following statement to TEAM UZUNOV:

"For more than two decades, the United States has fully supported the Republic of Macedonia’s sovereignty, independence, and integration into the Euro-Atlantic community.”

Critics of the US, including pro Russian supporters in Macedonia, have accused the US government of trying to destablise Macedonia as part of a so called “hybrid war.” The argument goes that it is an attempt to force Macedonia to change its name to appease Greece and the push to remove VMRO-DPMNE Nikola Gruevski as part of that plot. Supporters of the US position argue that the demonstrations which have racked Macedonia for over year, beginning with the release of taped phone conversations detailing alleged corruption by Gruevski are simply a push for clean government.

However, TEAM UZUNOV, in its continued study of Serbian cultural hegemony in Macedonia, hopefully a future book in the offing, takes a look at the continued obsession with Yugoslavism in the country. For many Macedonians, genuine internationalism is often confused with Belgrade urban culture, hence the various contradictions, paradoxes - either intentional or unintentional.

The US Embassy was contacted to clarify its position over contradictory and ambiguous comments over Serbian nationalism made by a leading Macedonian pundit Mr Borjan Jovanoski, who claims to be pro US, and his 2015 call on social media for the “return” of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia - a federal unit within Yugoslavia from 1944 to 1991 - but under Serbian hegemony. A call for the current independent Republic of Macedonia to return to the SRM would in effect mean defacto Serbian federal rule and provoke certain civil war in Macedonia if it were ever implemented. You have to ask why would 99.9% of Macedonia’s Albanians want to return to defacto Serbian rule? Why would a vast majority of Macedonians want to as well, when they voted for independence in 1991.

On 8 September 1991 Macedonia became independent from Yugoslavia after the earlier departures of Slovenia and Croatia. Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic started a war in trying to stop Slovenia and Croatia from leaving and with the intent of creating a Greater Serbia, which would include Macedonia. Milosevic became bog down in his wars in Croatia and Bosnia and had to let Macedonia reluctantly go as he couldn’t sustain a second or third front.

According to leading British journalist, Misha Glenny, the Socialist Republic of Macedonia within the Yugoslav federation had a bad human rights record.

You're trying to present a modern image to the world yet by calling for a return to the Socialist Republic of Macedonia which according to Misha Glenny, treated Albanians far worse than in an independent Macedonian state…you end up with a huge contradiction. It makes no sense. It doesn’t help promote inter-ethnic harmony. The SRM also mistreated Macedonian dissidents. Yugoslavia was after all a one party state. In 1959, Tito’s Yugoslavia outlawed homosexuality, which was only decriminalised in 1997 in an independent Macedonian state.

In 2001 an ethnic Albanian uprising occured in Macedonia as a result of the 1999 NATO war in supporting Kosovo breaking away from Serbia.

As for solving the name dispute with Greece, that is simply a fallacy. Leading Greek academic Spyrdion Sfetas, writing for a Serbian academic journal, Balcanica, in 2012, made Greece’s position clear over the Socialist Republic of Macedonia during the Karamanlis period in the late 1970s, post Junta.

Sfetas explains Greece refused to recognise a Macedonian minority in Greece because it would be implicit recognition of a Macedonian nation, the Socialist Republic of Macedonia in 1978-79.

The Greek formula was to recognise the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia via the capital Belgrade, and playing upon the old Serb-Greek relationship. The question remains how could the use of SRM possibly resolve the name dispute now? Its nonsensical to think that Greece would budge under any circumstance.

UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTHS - Both sides of Macedonian politics, the government of VMRO-DPMNE and the Opposition, SDSM. are to a large extent pro Belgrade. It’s stating the bleeding obvious.

In 2014, Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski surprised a large number of people by announcing a joint embassy sharing agreement with Serbia.

The last time Macedonia “shared” any kind of diplomacy was when it was in Borjan Jovanovski’s SRM.

Gruevski, who was deposed as Prime Minister last year, has cultivated a close relationship with Serbian Prime Minister Alexander Vucic, a one time ultra Serb nationalist and disciple of madman Vojislav Seselj. Vucic maintains he is a “changed man.” You would think that as a way of outflanking Gruevski, SDSM would have a fresh foreign policy - say draw closer to Croatia, which is both an EU and NATO member, but Opposition Leader Zoran Zaev’s strategy is to copy Gruevski, to out-Belgrade the Belgradist.

Criticisms of Serbian nationalism, as a result, have largely been muted in Macedonia by both sides. In 2014, in an outburst reminiscent of a Jihadist hate preacher, the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Archbishop Irinej blamed gay people for causing the massive floods ravaging Serbia and other parts of the Balkans. Such views outlandish views found fertile soil in Macedonia via the powerful state controlled Serbian tabloid media which, which even Borjan Jovanovski acknowledges, yet no Macedonian LGBT activist held a protest outside the office of Irinej’s representative in Macedonia, Zoran Vraniskovski. In effect, Serbian homophobia was given a free pass in Macedonia.

A year later, the Serbian High Court rehabilitated the controversial World War II leader Draza Mihailovic, a rival of Marshal Tito, an advocate of a Greater Serbia who in 1943-44 sent an army known as the Vardar Chetnik Corps (VCC) into Macedonia to destroy Macedonia’s Partizan resistence movement, an unofficial alliance of Macedonian communists and nationalists who had banded together to fight the German and Bulgarian occupiers. The VCC was wiped out by the outstanding leadership of Macedonian Partizan commander Hristjan Todorovski-Karpos.

Neither the supporters of the Macedonian government nor the Opposition protested outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje over the Mihailovic move.

Earlier this year, when the diminutive Croat Member of the European Parliament Marijana Petir arrived in Skopje to lend her support to Gruevski, she was set upon within a second by protestors. Yet no protests have ever been held in front of the Serbian Embassy in Skopje over the lengthy and deep relationship between Gruevski and Vucic. see link 

Misha Glenny - link here


Gruevski mouthpiece, the bombastic TV host Milenko Nedelkovski, who says he is a Macedonian patriot, has associated with ultra Serb nationalist headcases with links to Milorad Dodik, the paranoid ruler of the statelet, Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Hercegovina. Dodik has created a whole routine ranting about the “evil West” but spends a small fortune in paying US lobbyists.

Milenko show in Belgrade !

When a Polish documentary film about ethnic Macedonians in Greece was shown at the European Parliament, neither Milenko nor Borjan attended nor even publicised the film. But their focus has been more on developments in Belgrade. It tells you of the extent of Serbian cultural hegemony when a Macedonian “patriot” Milenko Nedelkovski and a Macedonian “internationalist” take different paths but have the same cultural destination - Belgrade !

This obsession with Serbian cultural hegemony in Macedonia is actually counter-productive: first it tells the world that Macedonians are not serious about their independence gained 25 years ago; and secondly it creates a polarised society - pulled in two directions: Belgrade and Pristina, with no middle ground to tie Macedonians and Albanians together.

Some Macedonians have in recent times confused Macedonian patriotism with Serbian nationalism over a fear of Albanian separatism in Macedonia, event though the major tenent of Serbian nationalism is clearly anti-Macedonian - Macedonians are regarded as South Serbs or as an exotic form of Serb much like Montenegrins !

The 2001 ethnic Albanian uprising in Macedonia had the unintended consequence of letting Greater Serb nationalists such as Vojislav Seselj and Slobodan Milosevic off the hook in the eyes of some Macedonians. However, a large body of Macedonians can see that a Greater Serbia mania feeds a Greater Albanian mania and vice versa. Instead of critiquing Serbian cultural hegemony, which Macedonian “internationalists” themselves indulge in, the easy and lazy option has been to pin the blame on alleged “ultra Macedonian extremism.”

American writer Chris Deliso has explaind that by their very nature Macedonians are generally submissive and have to be prodded into action. This tallies with Serbian cultural hegemony in Macedonia…and with the observations of Misha Glenny.


Macedonia will soon celebrate 25 years of independence - can Macedonia survive as an independent nation-state or will it be torn apart by three cultural polarities pulling and pushing the country - The Pristina, Belgrade and Sofia axis - Albanian separatists, Belgradists and Bulgarianists?

Can Macedonia's elite cut its addiction to Serbian cultural hegemony or will this addiction cost Macedonia its very independence?

You have both sides in Macedonia's political bloc, SDSM and VMRO-DPMNE who still look towards Belgrade for "guidance"

There is a Vrhovist faction (pro Bulgarian faction known as Supremists) also gaining a toehold in Macedonia.

When Macedonian elite members from opposing sides and who hate each other - Borjan Jovanovski and Milenko Nedelkovski share the same cultural addiction, Belgradism, then that doesn't leave Macedonia in a secure position.

Recently, an Albanian politician Tahir Veliu visited Macedonia preaching a Greater Albania, which would include a slice of Macedonia and would mean the end of Macedonia. see link here

There was silence from Levica (Leftists) and Colour Revolutionists who proclaim they are against "foreign interference;" there was silence from Borjan; there was silence from Milenko - meaning that a deliberate Pristina (Tirana) - Belgrade cultural polarity is being pushed in Macedonia. Add the Bulgarianists into the mix, taking advantage...

The problem isn't so much an "ethno-Macedonian nationalism" - which the West has misread - but the three way cultural polarity or axis that is pulling, pushing Macedonia. The solution is to navigate these treacherous waters and remain independent.

Tuesday, July 12, 2016

JNA DOWN - Slovenia’s brave fight for freedom

1991 - We have an Mi-8 down, JNA chopper is down…. JNA bird is down..
JNA helicopter brought down in Slovenia's fight for freedom.. 
JNA = Yugoslav People’s Army.

by Sasha Uzunov 

On the 25th of June 1991 Slovenia and Croatia both declared their independence from Yugoslavia, and ultimately opened up the door for Macedonian independence on 8 September 1991.

Slovenia had become disenchanted with rising Serbian nationalism in Yugoslavia and matters came to head with the advent of Serb strongman Slobodan Milosevic, with his plans for a transformation of communist Federal Yugoslavia into a more centralised state, under tighter control by Belgrade and later of a Greater Serbia.

Top: Ante Markovic (the last Prime Minister of Federal Yugoslavia - 1989-91. Bottom left: General Veljko Kadijevic, Federal Defence Minister; Slobodan Milosevic; Vlado Kambovski.


In 1990 - Slovenia was warned in the Federal Yugoslav parliament by the then Justice Minister, Vlado Kambovski, a Macedonian, with the possible threat of violence if it dared secede.

"The government will ''undertake energetic steps to protect reforms and objective, common interests of all peoples and nationalities'' in Yugoslavia, Kambovski said without elaboration.”

Kambovski was doing the bidding of Milosevic and gave him the legal “cover” he would later use, when he ordered JNA tanks to invade Slovenia on 26 June 1991, a day after Slovenia declared independence.

In December 1991, Yugoslav Prime Minister Ante Markovic resigned whilst Kambovski stayed on until June 1992, almost a year after his home republic of Macedonia declared its independence in September 1991... By staying on until June 1992, Kambovski in effect was agreeing with Milosevic's policies and behaviour. Kambovski did not resign in June 1992, his position ceased to exist as SFR Yugoslavia ceased to exist, meaning he stayed on till the last minute… Why Kambovski was never indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague remains a mystery

Markovic, later testified as a witness in Milosevic's trial at the Hague in 2003:

Ante Marković, who was Prime Minister of Yugoslavia from March 1989 until his resignation in December 1991, said that this was the first time in the past twelve years that he had made public his views on these events.

In his subsequent testimony against the former president of FRY, Yugoslavia’s last premier Ante Marković said that during the 1990s Milošević was ‘obviously striving to create a Greater Serbia. He said one thing and did another. He said that he was fighting for Yugoslavia, while it was clear that he was fighting for a Greater Serbia, even though he never said so personally to me.’

Testifying about military activities in 1991, he described the attack on Slovenia of 26 June for which some hold him responsible. He insisted that he was not responsible for it, and that as prime minister he had no control over the JNA. The Slovenian president Milan Kučan informed him about the attack by telephone, while the Yugoslav minister of defence Veljko Kadijević told him: ‘Since we knew you wouldn’t agree, we didn’t bother to ask you.’


DIGNITY IN THE FACE OF FEAR - "The right to dream." 26 June 1991 - President of Slovenia Milan Kucan made a simple but dignified and moving speech delivered against a backdrop of tension, fear, and impending invasion...from the more powerful Federal Yugoslavist armed forces in its bid to crush Slovenia's right to independence. Even now when you watch the video, you can feel the earie tension, the calm before the storm.

President Kucan:

"With a birth a man acquires the right to dream. With work we acquire the right to advance one's life dreams.

"Yesterday we combined both for the Slovenes who once dreamt of this and for future generations who will build a new world.

"Now we shall enter a family of free, independent nations.

"We cannot understand how this can intimidate anyone because we offer everyone our open hearts and a welcoming hand."

GAVRILO PRINCIP - the bullet that started World War I ! ZORAN DERNOVSEK - the rocket that ended Yugoslavist rule and opened the door for Macedonian independence.

Gavrilo Princip remains a controversial figure - the teenage Bosnian Serb who assassinated Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand on 28 June 1914 in Sarajevo - some regard him a hero, others a misguided, angry naive terrorist manipulated by Serb nationalists. In terms of Macedonian history, Princip is a very marginal figure at best. The onset of World War I didn’t change Macedonia’s situation - it remained partitioned by Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria and devasted by the Balkan Wars of 1912-13.

But the Princip narrative, which is largely a Serbian-Yugoslavist one, still gets emphasis in Macedonia, whilst Zoran Dernovsek, the Slovenian soldier who fired the rocket on the 27 June 1991 which opened up the path for Macedonian independence, for the first time in a millennium, is largely ignored.

One proponent of the Princip-Yugoslavist narrative in Macedonia is Balkan Insight reporter Sinisa Jakov Marusic who in a “collective effort” with other Balkan Insight reporters focused on Princip’s tenuous link to Macedonia but oddly left out Slovenia, which was at the time of World War I, under Austro-Hungarian rule. Princip’s assassination had an enormous impact upon Slovenia. see link

Meet the brave man, Zoran Dernovšek, who helped end Belgrade's Federalist rule in Slovenia and who opened the door for Macedonia's independence.

For some strange reason Macedonia's media - both government and opposition - are obsessed with Vojislav Seselj, Alexander Vucic, Srdja Popovic, Zoran Vraniskovski, Ceca, Gavrilo Princip and so on.

Dernovšek, a Slovenian Territorial Defence soldier, brought down one of the two JNA choppers and averted a massacre of Slovenian civilians.

His account:

"Mi-8 was the first aircraft of Yugoslav Army brought down in wars in Yugoslavia.

"It was hit and brought down on 27th June 1991 at 18.35 close to the village Ig (Mah) near Ljubljana (capital city of Slovenia), just about 5 seconds prior it opened fire on Training camp of Slovenian Territorial Defence and village itself. The destroyed helicopter was lead chopper of three Mi-8 fully armed helicopters with the mission of destroying the training camp and the Ig village by rocket attack and by deploying airborne special forces of Yugoslav Army from Niš, Serbia.

"It was a clear case of self - defence act where about 4,500 people were saved from certain death or injury.

"Next hit down was Gazelle Sa-341 at 19.20 in the same day, close to parliament building in capital city of Ljubljana.”

The Ten-Day War (Slovene: desetdnevna vojna) or the Slovenian Independence War (slovenska osamosvojitvena vojna), also the Weekend War (vikend-vojna) was a brief war of independence that followed the Slovenian declaration of independence on 25 June 1991. It was fought between the Slovenian Territorial Defence (Slovene: Teritorialna obramba Republike Slovenije) and the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA). It lasted from 27 June 1991 until 7 July 1991, when the Brioni Accords were signed.

YUGOSLAV ARMY COLONEL - Aksientijevic: as soon as the rocket hit, Yugoslavia was finished. source: BBC documentary.

Friday, June 17, 2016

LEVICA MANIFESTO: no “foreign interference"

EXCLUSIVE - Breaking news - Levica rules out Serb protest - Leader Branimir Jovanovic responds to our question:

The Levica (Leftist) Movement, one of the groups leading the Colour Revolution in Macedonia, aimed at removing the VMRO-DPMNE government led by Nikola Gruevski has ruled out a protest outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje, the Macedonian capital.

Recently, Colour Revolutionists protested against Croatian MEP Marijana Petir during her brief visit to Macedonia and her offering support to leader Gruevski.

Serbia's Prime Minister Alexander Vucic has been a stronger and longer supporter of deposed Macedonian PM Gruevski but so far Colour Revolutionists have not held any demonstrations outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje, over that very close relationship.

Levica leader Branimir Jovanovic via email said he would only protest against the Serbian government if PM Vucic physically arrived in Macedonia and opened his mouth; this despite Levica's recent manifesto that it would oppose all elites and foreign interference in Macedonia.

Mr Jovanovic's statement:

"Petir was targeted because she came to Macedonia and supported the regime. If Vucic comes and does the same, I'm pretty sure the same will happen.”

According to Macedonian pundit Borjan Jovanovski Serbia's state controlled nationalistic tabloid media incites hatred between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonians.

So far no protest has ever been held by Macedonian activists against the Serb state controlled media's attempts to interfere by fomenting ethnic strife in Macedonia.

Likewise, no protests were held outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje last year when the Serbian High Court rehabilitated a controversial World War II leader Draza Mihailovic, a Serb nationalist who advocated a Greater Serbia that would include Macedonia, and whose followers collaborated with the Nazis.

During World War II, Mihailovic sent a Serbian Chetnik Army into Macedonia to destroy Macedonia's Partizan Resistence, which had to fight the Nazi and Bulgarian occupiers.

Under the Vucic regime, Serbian nationalism has made a comeback and the Belgrade regime has one of the worst human rights records in Europe.

LEVICA’S MANIFESTO - against elites and “foreign interference."

The Leftist (Levica) movement in Macedonia, one of the major participants in the Colour Revolution, has issued a manifesto denouncing FOREIGN interference in Macedonia.

So far Levica has not held protests outside the US, Russian, British, Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian or Kosovo Embassies or EU liaison offices...in Skopje, Macedonia…which to varying degrees "interfere..."


Monday, May 16, 2016


By Sasha Uzunov

Mr Vladimir Lazarevik, a former Macedonian government minister and staunch critic of his one time leader, ex Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, has told TEAM UZUNOV he will not be calling for a protest outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje, the Macedonian capital over Serbian Prime Minister Alexander Vucic’s long term support of Gruevski.

This despite Croatian Member of the European Parliament Marijana Petir being the subject of a Colour Revolution protest during her brief trip to Macedonia recently and comments in support of the deposed Prime Minister.

Mr Lazarevik was asked if a protest outside the Serbian Embassy in Skopje would be held in order to to avoid a perceived bias against Croatian politician Ms Petir and as Vucic’s involvement with Gruevski was much deeper.

"I may carry a Serbian surname but consider myself to be Macedonian” Mr Lazarevik said.

"I see no purpose in protests outside the Serbian embassy. I think although both leaders have many similarities, Gruevski is much worse and in much more difficult political and legal position. He is facing jail.”

"I also think political problems should be solved within the borders of each country and by its people. International support is welcomed, but change only comes from within. If we do not succeed in changing the political landscape as it is now, than that is what we deserve. The same goes for Serbia,” he said.

However, another critic of ex-PM Gruevski, Mr Borjan Jovanovski has on Twitter in the past called for protests in front of Hungarian embassies across Europe over migrant issues but remained silent on Twitter over last year’s controversial decision by the Serbian High Court, at the instigation of PM Vucic, to rehabilitate World War II leader and ultra Serb nationalist Draza Mihailovic, who was anti-Macedonian, Croat, Muslim Bosnian and Albanian.

Mr Robert “Bob” Spasenoski, is a former Australian Federal Policeman who lives in Macedonia, and is a long time Macedonian activist. He is a member of a dissident faction of VMRO-DPMNE, which is opposed to party leader Gruevski, and supports the Colour Revolution, he has explained to TEAM UZUNOV:

"It is very easy to stir anti-Croat feeling in Macedonia, against Serbia it is almost impossible. Macedonians are, in the large, so close to the Serbs. As to why, indoctrinated over the years. No one thus far, at least officially, has ever spoken or said anything negative about Serbia.

"…How can Macedonians be so pro Serb, and so anti Croat in Macedonia, I dont know and I will never understand...except to say, that the Communist regime had achieved its goal, to make the best Yugoslavs and best Belgrade supporters in the entire of Yugoslavia, that is, the Macedonians...The Macedonians from the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, are the best Yugoslavs and more Serb than the Serbs themselves in some cases…”

Mr Vucic began his career as a young ultra Serb nationalist in the early 1990s by associating with hardcore extremists such as Vojislav Seselj. Mr Vucic, in an infamous speech in 1995, once declared that for every one Bosnian Serb killed in the Bosnian war, a hundred Muslim Bosnians would be killed.

During his tenure as Prime Minister, he has imprisoned over 80 opponents and Serb journalists, and condemned for abusing human rights. However, the United States Secretary of State, John Kerry, has praised him.

Nikola Gruevski and Alexander Vucic developed a very close working relationship, so much so that both countries agreed to share embassies; hold joint cabinet meetings. Gruevski’s relationship with Vucic is much deeper than the one with Marijana Petir, who has been a strong advocate for Macedonia in the European Parliament against Greek nationalistic politicians from both the left and right over their continued negation of Macedonia and its name.

Related stories 
EX-COP & THE COLOUR REVOLUTION - Macedonia ! - link
MODERN HISTORY WARS - Macedonia - link
The Blame Game II - link 
The Blame Game - link

Going over to the Belgradists?

NIKOLA DIMITROV - Team Uzunov has contacted former Macedonian Ambassador to the US and one of those leading the opposition to ex-PM Gruevski for a comment on whether he would be calling for a protest outisde the Serbian Embassy in Skopje. As yet Mr Dimitrov has not responded to our request.

Seasoned observers, including fierce opponents of Nikola Gruevski’s authoritarian style, have told TEAM UZUNOV they remain puzzled by Dimitrov’s “erratic behaviour” and his “going over to the Belgradists.”

Mr Nestor Oginar, a dissident VMRO-DPMNE member and a prominent American-Macedonian leader, has told TEAM UZUNOV:

"I have known Dimitrov's parents, Dimitar and Ratka, for many years. They are communists with proclaimed Bulgarian dispositions. It is possible that young Nikola has found it more profitable to posture as a" Belgradist" in public in order to counter balance his parents' exposed identities.This is an old and odd game played out on our soil for generations. The same game, albeit somewhat blurred by Gruevski, Zaev and Ahmeti as agents of the centrifugal Macedonian forces.”

Dimitar Dimitrov (1937-) was a writer and academic in Tito’s Yugoslavia, known for his pro-Bulgarian sympathies. He became a government minister in post 1991 Macedonia. see link

To the uninitiated, Macedonia’s political and cultural elite is notorious for changing sides or for being drawn to where power emanates from. One infamous case is Vlado Kambovski, who was the last Federal Yugoslav Minister of Justice. In 1990 he threatened Slovenia with violence if it seceded. When his home republic of Macedonia broke away from Yugoslavia in September 1991, he remained in Belgrade, despite Yugoslav Prime Minister Ante Markovic resigning in December 1991 having lost control to Serb strongman Slobodan Milosevic.

Kambovski was virtually kicked out of Belgrade after Yugoslavia ceased to exist. He then repackaged himself as a “Macedonian patriot” serving as Macedonian Justice Minister and later a Gruevski appointee as President of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts (MANU) where he peddled a bizarre proposal to hold joint-Ilinden commemorations with Bulgaria, which does not recognise the existence of a Macedonian nationality, only a nation-state.

That sums ups Gruevski’s dysfunctional foreign policy to some extent - the bizarre joint Embassies with Serbia whilst rehabilitating controversial pro Bulgarian historical figures such as Todor Alexandrov. see link.

Nikola Dimitrov was seen as a protege of Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski (1998-2002), who has since revealed his pro-Bulgarian sympathies. Dimitrov was Georgievski’s man and appointed Macedonia’s Ambassador to the US at a relatively young age in 2002. Before this he was a security advisor to Macedonia’s President Boris Trajkovski (1999-2004) during the 2001 ethnic Albanian uprising / war.

Dimitrov has been praising and eulogising Belgrade nightlife as well as attending an “internationalist” conference in the Serbian capital. That seems completely out of character.

The centre of power in the Balkans has again shifted towards Belgrade as Serbia and the United States have begun to reconcile. Serbian Prime Minister Alexander Vucic has been able to get away with rehabilitating controversial figure from World War II Draza Mihailovic who was anti Macedonian, Croat, Muslim Bosnian and Albanian.

A leading Macedonian “Belgradist” is pundit Borjan Jovanovski, a former media advisor to President Trajkovski. Jovanovski comes from a powerful Yugoslavist political dynasty founded by his father, Meto Jovanovski, writer and head of foreign programming of Radio Televizija Skopje (RTS), the forerunner of Macedonian state broadcaster, during the 1980s. The Jovanovskis, despite recent attempts to whitewash themselves as “dissidents” were loyal Yugoslavists and Belgradists.

Dimitrov in his opposition to Gruevski has linked arms with Jovanovski.